The AAP Agenda ? Part (1/2)

By Hrishikesh Utpat

The 2013 assembly elections held in the 5 states of Chhattisgarh, Delhi, Madhya Pradesh, Mizoram and Rajasthan have been more than mere elections; the results of these elections have been widely perceived to be a “semi-final” to the 2014 Lok Sabha elections to be held in India. Without doubt, the highlight of this election has been the victory of the Aam Admi Party (AAP), led by Arvind Kejriwal.

Implications of the AAP victory

The victory of the AAP has been a monumental event in the history of Indian democracy. The AAP, an offshoot of the India Against Corruption campaign that made headlines in 2011 over the Jan Lokpal agitations, was formally launched on the 26^th of November 2012. In India’s history, the 26^th of November is both a joyous occasion – the Constitution of India was passed on the 26^th of November 1949 – and a day of infamy – the dread 26/11 Mumbai attacks happened on the 26^th of November 2008.

The most significant part of the AAP’s victory is that Arvind Kejriwal and his colleagues are not career politicians. Although consisting of several eminent citizens like Yogendra Yadav, Prashant Bhushan and Manish Shisodia, the AAP is not affiliated to any political party, any “family”, any pressure group or lobby and has achieved its phenomenal success in the short span of a year. Furthermore, the AAP has not designed its campaign along the traditional caste or religious dimensions that continue to be India’s bane.

The AAP success story is going to have a lasting impact on Indian polity. The AAP campaign, fought around the central idea of anti-corruption and people-centric governance found resonance throughout the Delhi population that was tired of the incumbent Sheila Dixit-led Congress government.

One of the most important documents that outline the AAP’s ideas is Arvind Kejriwal’s “Swaraj” (download link, India Against Corruption website: http://iacmumbai.org/downloads.php?id=Tmc9PQ==). The purpose of this article is to review the various ideas that are discussed in this document.

Ideas that will have a positive impact

The essence of “Swaraj” is decentralization. There are several ideas discussed in this document that, if implemented properly, will have a positive impact on society.

One such idea is the decentralization of public policy. In the model suggested by Arvind Kejriwal, the Gram Sabha will be the most important agency involved in design of policy. As has been pointed out by several sociologists, current government policy is designed in either New Delhi or in a State’s capital. Often, there is a disconnect between policy design and grass-root reality, leading to increased expenditure by the State without having a consummate improvement in public welfare. A classic example of this is the NREGA scheme. Design of policies has to be decentralized and determined by grass-root opinions.

Similarly, the land policy suggested by Arvind Kejriwa seeks to address the issue of forced acquisition of land and failure of relocation and compensation of displaced individuals, which has been seen in virtually every major project in post-independence India. However, it has to be noted that stronger measures are present in the Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Bill, 2011, which was passed in 2013. Similarly, the process of giving the people’s opinion primacy was successfully carried out in the Niyamgiri region of Orrisa, where tribal communities successfully voted to keep out a Bauxite mining project by the Vedanta group^.

“Swaraj” suggests that the power of the Panchayats should be increased. The Gram Sabhas should have a greater functional and financial autonomy, and the funds given to them should be untied i.e. their expenditure should not be pre-determined or conditional. The people should determine how the funds allocated to the Gram Sabha should be utilized.

Another excellent policy suggested is that the school teachers as well as primary health centers and accredited social health activists should be under the control of and accountable to the Gram Sabha^[10]. Similarly, the Panchayat Secretary should be appointed by the Gram Sabhas and be held accountable to them.  These steps will help in significantly removing roadblocks that prevent the Gram Sabhas from carrying out their functions.

An idea that will cause a significant improvement in the social fabric of a village community is the model suggested for the grant of liquor licenses and the steps designed to fight alcoholism. By giving the people – specifically women – the right to decide if a liquor shop should be granted permission to open, the evils of alcoholism will be contained.

In view of achieving further empowerment, it has also been suggested that there should be greater transparency of documents^. However, this aspect has been already covered under the Right to Information Act, 2005, and the model suggested does not provide any substantial solutions to the issues existing under the current set-up.

Ill-formed ideas

While those discussed above will have a positive impact on society, there are several ideas that have been inadequately discussed. These idea lack not only political depth, they also do not acknowledge India’s socio-economic realities.

In the section titled “BPL Politics”, Arvind Kejriwal mentions that welfare schemes designed for below political level groups are “hatched to garner more votes” (sic). According to the author, such schemes “are there only so that they can lure voters and fill their own coffers”. He also further states that “everybody wants to be a beggar” and “these schemes seem to be destroying people’s mindsets” (sic). While it is true that there have been multitudes of failures in the design and implementations of welfare schemes, the author’s statements are over-simplifications and tend to be reckless. Not only do such opinions betray the impression of being ignorant of ground realities, they also directly contradict the AAP’s free water program to be implemented in Delhi.

The section on minerals is also a similar over-simplification. In this section, the author attributes the over-consumption and unsustainable mineral extraction to corrupt politicians and bureaucrats, as well as a crony capitalistic nexus between them and corporations. While such a nexus does indeed exist, it is wrong to suggest that unsustainable mining practices would not be conducted in a situation where honest government officials functioned. Sustainable use of natural resources is a complex process that involves several dimensions including poverty alleviation, industrial demand, strength of environmental norms and international demand-supply equations.

Furthermore, it is suggested that the mining licenses shall be granted by the Gram Sabhas^[16]. The underlying idea – that of granting greater power to the people directly affected by the projects – is a good one. However, the author does not discuss real-time implementation issues, such as a situation in which a particular project falls under the jurisdiction of several Gram Sabhas, and there is no unanimity of opinion between them. For instance, in the famous Niyamgiri case (already mentioned above), the Union Ministry of Tribal Affairs had contested that the forests fell under the purview of more than the 12 villages where Gram Sabhas were held. The model discussed also does not mention the impact of such decisions on national interest. It has been observed in certain cases that third parties with ulterior motives can influence local opinion. This scribe has personally experienced the case of the Jaitapur nuclear power plant, where a certain group of individuals had polarized local opinion against the construction of the nuclear power plant, thereby hurting national interest.

Incidentally, several dimensions proposed by the author such as control of minor forest products, approval of development plans and selection of beneficiaries already exist in the Panchayat (Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act, 1996. The author does not discuss implementation issues in the same, nor does he give solutions for them.

Another over-simplification has been seen while discussing the problems of Gram Sabha. The author does not discuss caste dynamics and polarizations that plague Indian society. Neither does the author discuss the lack of participation by women and the intentional exclusion of backward classes. Today, Indian Gram Sabhas are affected by irregular participation by the people. The Gram Sabha system has been rendered ineffective by the dominance of lobbies and political parties. Without addressing these structural issues, the author proposes to grant Gram Sabhas greater autonomy and power.

The author’s ideas also have a similar strategic shortcoming while discussing the issue of Khap Panchayats. Not only does the author state that “it is a matter of contention whether the khaps have given such (wrong) decisions” (sic), he dismisses the entire issue by merely stating that Khap Panchayats operate outside the ambit of law. He further suggests, “a Gram Sabha may declare itself to be a separate state from India”. This does not address the issue that Khap Panchayats – legal or not – are chillingly effective in vast parts of the nation, and are responsible for several social evils; particular persecution of women. It would be prudent to remember at this juncture that the devastating Muzzafarnagar riots of 2013 resulted from “Mahapanchayats” held by certain communities.

While discussing a model of “Swaraj” for Gram panchayats, the author discusses a 3-tiered system of village, block and district panchayats. It will be noted that the current system of panchayati raj institutes are designed along exactly similar lines. The author has introduced no innovation or improvement here.

The author on several occasions quotes the examples of Hivre Bazar and Ralegan Siddhi as case studies where well-functioning Gram Sabhas led to substantial development. Without belittling the achievements of both these villages, and without being pessimistic regarding village reforms, it will be acknowledged that it is far too simplistic to suggest that the models of 2 villages can be replicated across the whole of India, with its vast socio-economic and political diversity.

Ideas that will have a negative impact

One of the fundamental ideas resonating throughout “Swaraj” is that of granting greater power to Gram Sabhas. While it is uncontested that Gram Sabhas need to be granted greater power and should play a larger role, the author does not set a cap on the ambit of such a role. Granting overt powers without first deciding the structural limitations of Gram Sabhas will result in a weakened social structure, and ultimately hurt national interest. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar – the chief architect of India’s constitution and polity – had a very negative opinion of “Gram Swaraj” and had expressed several apprehensions regarding it. These apprehensions persist till date.

The author cites the example of Walmart in Oregon, USA to illustrate how a local democratic body could prevent a large corporation from investing in the region. This is a dangerous trend and is completely unmindful of the large economic growth such investments can generate in an area. The author also cites the example of Switzerland to describe the functioning of a participative democracy. This does not account for the dangers posed by such a system in a diverse nation like India, particularly the issue of majority and organized community dominance.

The author also suggests that beneficiaries of welfare schemes shall be determined by Gram Sabhas. The author suggests that Gram Sabhas shall not only determine “who falls in the BPL category” (sic), but also determine “whether a man who doesn’t have a house will be given one”. The author also suggests that the Gram Sabha will determine if a person shall be covered under food security schemes. In a nation where Dalit and other so-called backward class communities are still forced to reside outside village boundaries, banned from using common resources like lakes and denied access to schools, it is naive and utopian to suggest that Gram Sabhas will rise above their own differences and ensure welfare is inclusive. Furthermore, the idea of a group of fellow residents deciding if a person qualifies for welfare is a dangerous one, and is disturbingly close to the clichéd communist concept of “from each according to his capacity, to each according to his need” that has left many a nation in tatters.

In regard to protection of Dalits, the author suggests that increasing the Gram Sabha’s powers will reduce atrocities against the Dalit community. It has to be noted that the current legal protection given to Dalits – particularly by the Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities Act), 1989^[32] – far outstrip those suggested by the author. Despite these provisions, discrimination against the so-called backward classes has not diminished. Indeed, it is almost paradoxical to note that atrocities against the so-called backward classes were reduced during periods where State and Central Governments depended on the electoral support of these communities.

Another section of the document provides a paradox. On one hand, the author calls for curbing the power of the Sarpanch of a Gram Sabha, and asks for the persecution of corrupt Sarpanachs. On the other hand, he also says that the Collector – as head of the district administration – can take action against the Sarpanch only if the Gram Sabha specifically requests it^. This mechanism is unmindful of the power plays, caste and religious polarizations, lobbying and political interference that occurs at grass root levels. The Sarpanch in a village enjoys a position of power, and the Gram Sabha is going to be under pressure while acting against him or her.

Another such paradox is provided when the author speaks of access to funds by the Gram Sabha. The author repeatedly asks for provision of untied funds to the Gram Sabhas i.e. funds whose usage shall be decided by the Gram Sabhas, and not be pre-determined based on various welfare schemes. However, at the same time the author suggests that a part of the funds available should be dedicated to the welfare of Dalit groups. The author does not realize that this strategy precisely culminates into the tying up of funds – it is imperative for the author to state and unambiguous stand on this issue.

Conclusion

The AAP victory has been the result of growing frustration towards the present political establishment. The AAP candidates present a new face, and a large section of the electorate that voted for them did so to give them a chance to implement their ideas. This is a fair deal – a party that has not been in power cannot be judged on the scale of performance; it has to be judged on the basis of the ideas it brings to the political discourse, and wishes to implement.

In such a situation, it is necessary to judge these very ideas in a dispassionate manner. It is essential to ensure that the growing demand for greater participation in our democracy does not result in the acceptance of a badly formulated agenda.

The AAP agenda is essential a pro-people one and has some good ideas. However, it has several badly formed ones, and has many ideas that will be detrimental to national interest in the long run. In our quest to reform the political establishment, it is important to ensure that we are not attracted by quick-fix solutions. Rather, it is necessary to ensure that ideas are analyzed objectively and dispassionately, and that the level of political discourse is continually upgraded.

The author has completed his BE (Computer Science) from MIT College, Pune, and his currently pursuing a masters degree in Economics. He particularly enjoys social sciences, and has chosen to study Economics because it provides the “perfect blend of Science and Social Sciences”. Currently preparing for the UPSC Civil Services Exam, Hrishikesh hopes to serve the country by joining the bureaucracy – having cleared the Preliminary exams for the Civil Services in 2013, he will be appearing for the Mains exams in December. His passions include reading, writing, travelling, mountaineering and teaching. Currently affiliated with the prestigious Chanakya Mandal Pariwar organization in Pune, Hrishikesh teaches a wide range of subjects such as History, International Relations, Economics, Mathematics and Statistics.