By Aishwarya Mukhopadhyay
The issue of Gorkhaland is not new but it has been resurfacing for almost a century now. The Gorkhas are a group of Nepali-speaking clans living in northern Bengal. They had become part of Bengal when Sikkim and Darjeeling were inducted to the province.
Trouble started brewing when Bengal CM Mamata Banerjee announced that Bengali was to be made a compulsory language in all school across Bengal, till class 10. Violence broke out when Banerjee visited Mirik and Darjeeling last week and things subsequently got out of hand. The violence has sparked protests all over the state and the issue of development and integration of the Gorkhas are now more significant than ever.
Political background
The demand for Gorkhaland was first raised in 1907, then by Subash Ghising in 1986 and now, 31 years later, by Bimal Gurung. This demand is for emphasising their identity and countering the strong Bengali hegemony in the hills.
Ghising founded Gorkha National Liberation Front (GNLF) in 1980, and the body raised the demand for a separate state of Gorkhaland within India by carving out Darjeeling and areas of the Dooars and Terai region. From 1986 to 1988, the movement for statehood turned violent, forcing the crucial tourism and tea industries to come to a standstill; over 1200 people died in two years. The formation of the Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council (DGHC) in August 1988, suspended the movement, and the DGHC then granted authority to carry out development programmes of tourism, economy and culture. The GNLF gave up its demand for a separate state, and Ghisingh became the Chairman of DGHC, lasting in that position for the next 20 years.
Subsequent developments
The GNLF lost support when the Central and State Government, along with the GNLF, replaced the DGHC with a new tribal council under the Sixth Schedule of Article 244 of the Constitution. Resentment among the ex-DGHC councillors grew, with Ghisings aide Bimal Gurung breaking away and forming the Gorkha Janmukti Morcha (GJM), whose main agenda was to establish Gorkhaland.
Prior to the 2009 general polls, BJPs declared its intention of creating Telangana and Gorkhaland and successfully won GJMs support. However, the demand for Gorkhaland led to increased violence and Gurung called a strike in 2011, which lasted for 9 days and ultimately led to the formation of the Gorkhaland Territorial Administration (GTA), a semi-autonomous administrative body. On July 30, 2013, Gurung resigned from the GTA, once again raising the demand for Gorkhaland. The formation of Telangana prompted an indefinite strike and further violence in 2013.
Lack of support from all sides
The issue of identity politics becomes very significant in the Gorkha context. Gorkhas are, even today, often called Nepalis and both, the CPI(M) and TMC have failed to integrate them. There has been no concrete development programme for the education or economic emancipation of the ordinary Gorkhas. The Gorkhas take up the worst paying jobs like that of security officers. Darjeeling has economically degraded from a hub of culture and education due to the continuing unrest in the area.
The Gorkhas also noticed that political power lay in the hands of Bengalis from south Bengal, and their problems were often ignored or side-lined. The demand for Gorkhaland, for example, was undermined when the CPI(M) backed the moderate Gorkha leaders but the party withdrew its support when it realised that the moderates were also demanding Gorkhaland. Mamata Banerjee declared that she would not let any movement divide Bengal, a position echoed by the Left as well. The 19 welfare boards established by her, are thus seen as more divisive than useful by the local people. As a result, no political party from Bengal has ever catered to the needs of the Gorkhas.
Mamata Banerjee’s announcement at Mirik, of making Bengali compulsory from class 1 to 10 was not seen in a good light. Nepali is the spoken language of the Gorkhas and they learn it at schools; the GJM has instigated a movement against the government in the face of this development.
Plummeting faith of the Gorkhas
However, a closer analysis makes it clear that the problem lies elsewhere. The Mirik municipality election shows cracks in the Gorkha bastion and suggests TMCs increasing support. The political arrangement between the TMC and GNLF seems to have benefitted Banerjee, whose significant gains in Mirik and a large vote share in Kalimpong has alarmed the GJM. The Temangs, Lepcha and Kaami clans of the Gorkhas, which were a united Gorkha group, have lost confidence in the future of Gorkhaland, and want to, instead, focus on development. Meanwhile, there has been an increased assemblage of the GJM in Delhi, and the BJP has offered support to the idea of a new state.
The Gorkhas have been an integral part of India, lauded for their loyalty and bravery. However, they are deprived of economic development, job opportunities and remain isolated in the mainstream political scenario. The GTA audits issued by the government are justified, but it has resulted in the alienation of the local people from the government. The policies of the government have backfired and Banerjees Hill conquest needs evaluation with more focus on integration.
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